![]() While I had participated in many marches in Japan, as of January 2017, I had only attended a few antinuclear marches in the US. I wanted to make comparisons of protest sounds given similar urban settings. I was hence struck by how different the sounds of the Women’s March were from those of protests in Tokyo. These sounds, in turn, impacted my affective response. I subsequently attended several other marches and rallies of the Resistance-a concatenation of actions to oppose Trump and his policies-in New York, Philadelphia, and Washington, including the March for Science, March for Truth, March for Our Lives, and the Women’s March of 2018, and observed over two dozen other Resistance protests on the internet, both live and in playback. This article explores the sounds of the Women’s March in New York and the many protests that followed. I consider the march as both a single event and the opening salvo of the Resistance. ![]() As David Meyer and Sidney Tarrow note, the United States is “in the middle of a major cycle of contention.” First, I continue the conversation about policing started by Shayna Silverstein to compare the ways in which the police control the use of public space in Japan and the US, and the impact that these differences have on protest sounds. By police, I consider Rancière’s sense of “an order of bodies that defines the allocation of ways of doing, ways of being, and ways of saying, and sees that those bodies are assigned by name to a particular place and task,” i.e., all the structures and logics of society that keep everyone in their places. ![]() I pay special attention to the actions of the uniformed police force in public spaces. As occupations such as Tahrir Square, Occupy Wall Street, and Euromaidan have shown, urban space is increasingly the forum in which the people who have no voice-the “part of those who have no part” -can emerge as a single subject, composed of equals. When the uniformed police keep order in these public spaces, they act in ways that reflect the underlying beliefs of the hegemonic police, as broadly defined by Rancière. As protesters commonly chant and sing, I focus on these sounds, for the act of raising one’s voice is a visceral experience, “a metaphor for political participation.” Chanting and singing are participatory music, as Thomas Turino has defined, which forces us to listen to each other and promotes bonding. Now the fans sing it with relish before home games.I analyze the musical and textual characteristics that make the chants memorable and the processes by which chants are created. It harks back to a time when trophies were rare at Stamford Bridge. in 1997, featuring some members of the Chelsea team. This offering came courtesy of Suggs & Co. And for some others, well, I think I can feel a cold coming on.īack in the day, it was custom to record a song for the FA Cup should your team be in the final. With that in mind, I will have to leave a couple out in order to keep it clean. Now, most football chants have a few swear words/general crude language in them, but Chelsea chants seem to have more than most. ![]() So, with that it mind, here are 10 songs that you are likely to hear every home game at Stamford Bridge. There are a few, however, that would probably rank as the most popular. This means that there are hundreds that could be included on a list like this. ![]() There are certainly more than 10 Chelsea chants, and the beautiful thing about most of them is that they are specific to each game or opponent. But like every stadium, there are a few songs that you are guaranteed to hear at least once each week from the Chelsea faithful. Of course, this is not unique to Stamford Bridge or even the EPL. It's quite hard to put your finger on exactly what it is, but if you said it was the sound of thousands of drunken fans hurling abuse in the form of a song, you might be close. There's a certain kind of atmosphere that only exists in the English Premier League. ![]()
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